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Home»Opinion»Reformer in chief: Reflections on governance, leadership, and reform across one thousand and ninety-five days of President Bola Tinubu
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Reformer in chief: Reflections on governance, leadership, and reform across one thousand and ninety-five days of President Bola Tinubu

Our ReporterBy Our ReporterMay 28, 2026No Comments11 Mins Read
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By Sunday Dare

My work,  One Thousand and Ninety-Five Days was born from witnessing Nigerian history close up- not from the sidelines, but within proximity to power over the past three decades. The pages are therefore, more than just a collection of opinion essays written over three defining years in Nigeria’s national life.

For a period of one thousand and ninety-five days, Nigerians have debated policies, questioned outcomes, endured sacrifices, resisted changes, embraced possibilities, and watched a government attempt to fundamentally recalibrate the direction of the Nigerian state. At the centre of this national recalibration stands a man has never been afraid of tinkering with issues and situations for better outcomes.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu — the Reformer-in-Chief — is who I call the architect of democratic survival and political reinvention, and a man I have since come to regard as the Houdini of political and economic survival, perpetually emerging from orchestrated scenarios that were designed to politically drown, constrain, and ultimately asphyxiate him.

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Many have experienced Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the peak of political power — in Alausa or Aso Rock. I have known Asiwaju for twenty-eight years, long before and in between power: in the trenches of opposition politics, through the difficult years of political reorganization and coalition building after office, and still with him now again amid the turbulence of economic reform and national rebirth.

Long before Aso Rock, before the presidential paraphernalia and the immense machinery of federal power, I worked closely beside him during years when the klieg lights were off, when there were no state instruments to command, no ceremonial grandeur to rely upon, and no guarantees that the opposition journey would culminate in national victory.

Those years remain critical to understanding the man now presiding over the affairs of Africa’s largest democracy.

Because leadership reveals itself most truthfully before power arrives.

I had the rare privilege of watching him build political structures from ashes. I watched him organize men and ideas with unusual patience and strategic clarity. I watched him pacify the aggrieved, manage divergent ambitions, absorb betrayals, nurture talent, and steadily construct one of the most formidable political coalitions in Nigeria’s democratic history.

I observed a man deeply fascinated by process and profoundly impressed by systems — working systems: how they function, why they fail, and how they can be recalibrated to produce different outcomes.

But beyond systems, I encountered a teacher of politics and power; a mentor to generations of ambitious young men and women; a patient student of history, Pan-African thought, political economy, and the lives of transformative statesmen who shaped nations through vision, structure, and discipline.

He possessed an uncanny ability to identify talent long before public recognition arrived, nurturing competence, rewarding loyalty, encouraging intellectual independence, and assembling networks of capable people across regions, professions, and generations. In many ways, he became a political clearinghouse for aspiration — a patron of the gifted, the daring, and the upwardly mobile.

I also saw a grassroots mobilizer of uncommon instinct, with an almost unmatched understanding of political organization: how movements are built, how coalitions are sustained, how constituencies are managed, and how power ultimately flows from people, structure, and persuasion rather than mere rhetoric.

Yet behind the politician stood something more complex — an entrepreneur with a strategist’s mind, a technocrat comfortable with fiscal questions and institutional architecture, and an economic savant constantly interrogating how policy, capital, productivity, and governance intersect to shape national prosperity.

Even outside office, he possessed a relentless instinct for political re-engineering and institutional organization. He approached politics not merely as a contest for power, but as a platform for the cross-fertilization of ideas, competencies, regional interests, and national aspirations. To Asiwaju, politics was never simply about ambition or office; it was a vehicle for structural change, institutional continuity, and long-term statecraft.

What distinguished him was his capacity to merge political pragmatism with strategic vision. He understood that power, in its purest and unvarnished essence was to serve the people and enhance their lives. For power to be meaningful, it had to translate into governance architecture, economic direction, and institutional reform.

Politics, in his worldview, was ultimately an instrument for reorganizing society, redistributing opportunity, and repositioning the state toward productivity, stability, and national competitiveness.

Today, I simply watch him apply the same disposition to the infinitely more complicated machinery of the Nigerian state. To govern Nigeria is to govern complexity itself. A nation of immense promise and immense contradiction. A country rich in talent and resources, yet burdened for decades by structural inefficiencies, policy inconsistencies, infrastructural deficits, institutional leakages, and economic distortions accumulated over generations.

The tragedy of many nations is not ignorance of their problems. It is the repeated postponement of difficult solutions. For years, successive administrations recognized the unsustainability of many aspects of Nigeria’s economic architecture. Fuel subsidies had become fiscally dangerous. Multiple exchange rates incentivized arbitrage over productivity.

Revenue leakages weakened state capacity. Public expenditure burdens expanded while productive growth struggled to keep pace. The political class understood many of these realities, yet the difficult decision to confront these head on, were repeatedly deferred because reform is not politically expedient and often carries immediate electoral reprisals. But Tinubu proved unusually willing to confront those deferred realities.

The easiest thing in governance is to drift with the tide. The hardest is to alter course in the middle of gathering turbulence. It was within this context that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office — with the burden of navigating the Nigerian ship away from dangerous currents that threatened its stability, sustainability, and long-term direction.

Eventually, every nation must confront the consequences of delayed decisions.

And so the defining question before this administration became whether Nigeria would continue preserving distortions for temporary comfort or embrace difficult reforms for long-term stabilization.

President Tinubu chose the latter.

That choice, perhaps more than anything else, defines the central story of these one thousand and ninety-five days.

This book seeks to document that story not merely through the lens of politics, but through the deeper realities of governance and statecraft — offering insight into the workings of the President’s mind, the strategic logic behind difficult decisions, and the internal mechanics of an administration attempting to reposition the Nigerian state.

Too often, governance is interpreted only through headlines, partisan contestation, or immediate public reaction. Yet history demands deeper examination. It demands context. It demands understanding of the pressures, calculations, constraints, and philosophical convictions underpinning major national decisions.

This is especially true during periods of reform.

A country cannot sustainably subsidize inefficiency forever. A nation cannot endlessly postpone fiscal reality without consequences. Economic distortions eventually demand adjustment, whether gradually through deliberate policy or violently through systemic crisis.

President Tinubu understood this long before many were prepared to admit it publicly. This is why I describe him as the Tinkerer-In-Chief.

Not because governance is experimental in a careless sense, but because he governs with a restless instinct toward recalibration, adjustment, institutional redesign, and strategic refinement. He is rarely static in thought. He constantly reassesses systems. He believes structures can be rebuilt. He understands that governance is not a frozen doctrine but an evolving process requiring intervention, adaptation, and persistence.

Over the course of these one thousand and ninety-five days, Nigerians have witnessed an administration pursuing structural reforms that previous governments either hesitated to confront or approached incrementally. These reforms have generated understandable anxieties and legitimate public debate.

Transitions are difficult.

Citizens feel the weight of inflationary pressures and economic adjustment. Government itself must continuously improve implementation, communication, and social cushioning mechanisms. Democracies demand responsiveness, empathy, and accountability, particularly during periods of hardship.

Yet it is also important to resist romanticizing the very distortions that weakened the nation in the first place. The challenge before leadership was never whether reform would involve sacrifice. The challenge was whether the nation possessed the political courage to begin correction at all.

History teaches that nations are rarely transformed during seasons of comfort.

The countries we admire today for economic stability and institutional strength all passed through difficult phases of restructuring at critical points in their national development. Sustainable prosperity is rarely built on perpetual avoidance.

Nigeria cannot become an exception to economic logic.

What strikes me most, however, is not merely the scale of the reforms, but the psychological burden leadership carries during such moments. Public office often appears glamorous from a distance, but difficult governance can be profoundly lonely. Every policy decision creates competing reactions. Every adjustment affects millions differently. Every reform generates resistance from those invested in previous arrangements.

Leadership at that level demands unusual stamina and tenacity. I saw traces of that stamina long before this Presidency.

I saw it during the difficult years following the 2003 general elections, when the Alliance for Democracy (AD) lost five South-West governorship seats to the then ruling party, leaving only Lagos standing. The enduring lesson from Asiwaju in the course of that political tsunami was simple: what ultimately matters is not the size of the dog in the fight, what matters is the size of the fight in the dog.

I saw such tenacity and dexterity again in moments of uncertainty, when many doubted the possibility of dislodging the entrenched political dominance of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). I witnessed the painstaking effort required to assemble and sustain a coalition of divergent personalities, competing regional interests, ideological tendencies, and powerful political ambitions under what would eventually become the All-Progressives Congress (APC).

Those years shaped my understanding not only of Bola Ahmed Tinubu the politician, but Bola Ahmed Tinubu the strategist and institutional thinker. They also shaped my understanding of governance itself and helped inspire this work.

I learned that nations are not transformed merely through speeches or symbolism. They are transformed through systems, discipline, continuity, political will, institutional capacity, and difficult choices sustained over time.

Above all, I learned that national transformation requires not only leadership, but followership. Citizens too bear responsibilities in democratic development. We cannot desire modern economies while defending inefficient structures. We cannot seek prosperity while resisting productivity. We cannot demand institutional strength while normalizing leakages and distortions. Reform ultimately requires collective national maturity.

That process of repositioning Nigeria remains unfinished. The sacrifices remain real. The criticisms remain inevitable.  But so too does the possibility of national renewal. As I reflect on these one thousand and ninety-five days, I remain convinced that history may ultimately interpret this period not as an era of easy popularity, but as the beginning of difficult correction — a period when Nigeria finally began confronting realities postponed for decades.

This conviction is not rooted merely in political loyalty. It is rooted in observation accumulated over years. I observed the man before power.  I observed him when there was no federal authority to command and no institutional halo to shield uncertainty. I observed him in the workshop of opposition reconstruction.

I witnessed his patience with political organization. I observed his instinct for coalition building. I observed his ability to identify and nurture capable people. I observed his understanding of systems and institutions. And today, I observe those same instincts being applied to governance at the highest level.

No administration is beyond criticism. No reform process is beyond refinement. Governance remains an imperfect human enterprise. But fairness also demands historical honesty. It demands recognition that many of Nigeria’s present difficulties are the accumulated consequences of years of postponed correction.

At some point, leadership requires confronting realities others preferred to avoid. That is the burden of reform.  And that, perhaps, is the enduring significance of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s first one thousand and ninety-five days in office.

For beneath the turbulence of transition and beneath the noise of politics stands a leader attempting one of the most difficult assignments in modern Nigerian history: to re-engineer the trajectory of a nation long trapped between immense potential and persistent structural contradiction.

History will ultimately render its own verdict. But from where I have stood — from the years before power till date, I remain persuaded that Nigeria has begun a consequential journey of correction and recovery.

And perhaps, in the years ahead, One Thousand and Ninety-Five Days will be remembered not merely as a collection of writings about an administration, but as a contemporaneous witness account of a defining reform era in Nigeria’s democratic evolution — and of the man who chose to bear the difficult burden of leading it.

This, ultimately, may prove to be President Tinubu’s enduring legacy — for this generation and those yet unborn.

Sunday Dare, special adviser, toMr. President on Media and Public Communications

Nigeria Sunday Dare Three years Tinubu
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